Байден подав до Конгресу запит на понад 61 мільярд доларів допомоги для України
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Комісія у закордонних справах парламенту Туреччини відклала голосування щодо заявки Швеції на членство в НАТО.
Її голова Фуат Октай сказав, що комісія, яка контролюється правлячою партією президента Реджепа Таїпа Ердогана, проведе подальші переговори та може повернути законопроєкт до порядку денного наступного тижня, але він не встановив чітких часових рамок, повідомляє Reuters.
Цього місяця Ердоган заявив, що спробує сприяти процесу ратифікації, але додав, що Швеція не вжила достатніх заходів щодо курдських активістів. Анкара переслідує курдські організації, називаючи їх терористичними.
Швеція, а також Фінляндія подали заявки на вступ до НАТО в травні 2022 року через повномасштабне вторгнення Росії в Україну. Фінляндію вже прийняли до НАТО. Але заявку Швеції ще не погодили Угорщина та Туреччина.
У липні Туреччина повідомила, що ратифікація парламентом відбудеться не раніше ніж у жовтні.
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Армія оборони Ізраїлю повідомила про удар минулої ночі з допомогою винищувачів ЦАХАЛ по резиденції голови політбюро угруповання «Хамас» (визнане терористичною організацією у США та країнах ЄС) Ісмаїла Ханії у Секторі Гази.
Даних про постраждалих через удар немає. Сам Ханія, за повідомленнями, перебуває за межами Сектора Гази.
У повідомленні ЦАХАЛ йдеться, що резиденція Ханії використовувалася як «терористична інфраструктура», що була місцем зустрічей лідерів «Хамасу».
Серед іншого, ізраїльські військові повідомили про захоплення табору Аль-Шаті в західному передмісті Гази, де, за їхніми даними, виявили та знищили схованку «військово-морських сил «Хамасу» із водолазним спорядженням, вибуховими пристроями та зброєю.
Повідомляється, що Ізраїль продовжив свою операцію на території лікарні «Аль-Шифа», яку називають найбільшою у Газі. МОЗ Сектору Гази, підконтрольне «Хамасу», заявило, що ізраїльські бульдозери зруйнували частину одного з входів до лікарні.
Ізраїльське керівництво вважає, що бойовики створили під комплексом «Аль-Шифа» мережу тунелів, і що там розташований командний пункт «Хамас», хоча саме угруповання та співробітники лікарні це заперечують.
За даними агентств ООН, до того, як ізраїльські війська увійшли на територію «Аль-Шифи» в середу, там перебували близько 2300 пацієнтів, медичних співробітників і переміщених осіб. Військові Ізраїлю наполягають, що не мають на меті завдавати шкоди медикам чи цивільним.
Рада безпеки ООН 15 листопада підтримала резолюцію, яка закликає до термінових і тривалих гуманітарних пауз в Секторі Гази на тлі у війни Ізраїлю й «Хамасу». Ізраїль заявив, що вважає такі заходи недоречні, поки не звільнено ізраїльських заручників, а це близько 250 людей.
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The U.S. Federal Aviation Administration on Wednesday granted Elon Musk’s SpaceX a license to launch the company’s second test flight of its next-generation Starship and heavy-lift rocket from Texas, the agency said.
SpaceX said it was targeting Friday for a launch, saying a two-hour launch window opens at 7 a.m. Central Time (1300 GMT) and that local residents “may hear a loud noise” during the rocket’s ascent toward space.
“The FAA determined SpaceX met all safety, environmental, policy and financial responsibility requirements,” the agency, which oversees commercial launch sites, said in a statement.
SpaceX’s first attempt to send Starship to space was in April, when the rocket exploded mid-air four minutes after a liftoff that pulverized the company’s launchpad and flung sand and concrete chunks for miles.
Though Musk, SpaceX’s CEO and founder, hailed the Starship launch attempt as exceeding his expectations, it fell far short of its overall test objectives to reach space, complete nearly a full revolution around Earth, and reenter the atmosphere for a splashdown off a Hawaiian coast.
First the moon, eventually Mars
Starship, standing taller than the Statue of Liberty at 120 meters and designed to be fully reusable, represents SpaceX’s next-generation workhorse rocket system capable of ferrying some 150 tons of satellites into space. Plans also call for the rocket system to be used to carry crews of humans to the moon, and eventually Mars.
The rocket is crucial for SpaceX’s increasingly dominant launch business. NASA, under a roughly $4 billion development contract with SpaceX, plans to use Starship around 2026 to land the first crew of humans on the moon’s surface since 1972.
Hundreds of fixes before launch
The upcoming Starship flight will have the same test objectives as the first attempt. SpaceX made hundreds of fixes to the rocket’s design based on the April failure. The FAA required SpaceX to make dozens of fixes before allowing another Starship flight.
SpaceX determined that an onboard fire prevented Starship — the rocket system’s upper stage — from separating from its Super Heavy first stage booster as planned. The rocket’s explosion was the result of an automated destruction command, which triggered some 40 seconds late.
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It began as a familiar old story.
In the early 2000s, multinational mining giant Rio Tinto came to the wilds of Michigan’s Upper Peninsula to dig a nickel mine.
Environmentalists feared pollution. The company promised jobs.
The usual battle lines were drawn. The usual legal fights ensued.
But this time, something different happened.
The mining company invited a respected local environmental group to be an independent watchdog, conducting pollution testing that goes above and beyond what regulators require.
More than a decade has passed, and no major pollution problems have arisen. Community opposition has softened.
“I was fiercely opposed to the mine, and I changed,” said Maura Davenport, board chair of the Superior Watershed Partnership, the environmental group doing the testing.
The agreement between the mining company and the environmentalists is working at a time when demand for nickel and other metals used in green technologies is on the rise, but the mining activity that supplies those metals faces fierce local resistance around the world.
Historic mines, polluting history
The shift to cleaner energy needs copper to wire electrical grids, rare earth elements for wind turbine magnets, lithium for electric vehicle batteries, nickel to make those batteries run longer, and more. Meeting the goals of the 2015 U.N. Paris climate agreement would mean a fourfold increase in demand for metals overall by 2040 and a 19-fold increase in nickel, according to the International Energy Agency.
That means more mines. But mines rarely open anywhere in the world without controversy. Two nearby copper-nickel mine proposals hit major roadblocks this year over environmental concerns.
For the third year running, mining companies listed environmental, social and governance issues as the leading risk facing their businesses in a survey by consulting firm EY.
Mining is not new to the Upper Peninsula, the northern tip of the state of Michigan that is mostly surrounded by the Great Lakes. The region was the nation’s leading copper and iron producer until the late 1800s. An open-pit iron mine still operates about 20 kilometers (12 miles) southwest of the college town of Marquette.
Most of the historic copper mines closed in the 1930s. But the waste they left behind is still polluting today.
Residue left over from pulverizing copper ore, known as stamp sands, continues to drift into Lake Superior, leaching toxic levels of copper into the water.
“The whole history of mining is so bad, and we feared … for our precious land,” Davenport said.
The ore Rio Tinto sought is in a form known as nickel sulfide. When those rocks are exposed to air and water, they produce sulfuric acid. Acid mine drainage pollutes thousands of kilometers of water bodies across the United States. At its worst, it can render a stream nearly lifeless.
When Rio Tinto proposed building the Eagle Mine about 40 kilometers (25 miles) northwest of Marquette, “it divided our community,” Davenport said.
“The Marquette community was against the mine,” she said, but the “iron ore miners, they were all about it.”
Mining dilemma
It’s the same story the world over, according to Simon Nish, who worked for Rio Tinto at the time.
“Communities are faced with this dilemma,” Nish said. “We want jobs, we want economic benefit. We don’t want long-term environmental consequences. We don’t really trust the regulator. We don’t trust the company. We don’t trust the activists. … In the absence of trusted information, we’re probably going to say no.”
Nish came from Australia, where a legal reckoning had taken place in the 1990s over the land rights of the country’s indigenous peoples. Early in his career, he worked as a mediator for the National Native Title Tribunal, which brokered agreements between Aboriginal peoples and resource companies who wanted to use their land.
It was a formative experience.
“On the resource company side, you can crash through and get a short-term deal, but that’s actually not benefiting anybody,” he said. “If you want to get a long-term outcome, you’ve actually really got to understand the interests of both sides.”
“Absolutely skeptical”
When Nish arrived in Michigan in 2011, Rio Tinto’s Eagle Mine was under construction but faced multiple lawsuits from community opponents.
In order to quell the controversy, Nish knew that Rio Tinto needed a partner that the community could trust. So he approached the Superior Watershed Partnership with an unusual offer. The group was already running programs testing local waterways for pollution. Would they be willing to discuss running a program to monitor the mine?
“We were surprised. We were skeptical. Absolutely skeptical,” Davenport said. But they agreed to discuss it.
SWP insisted on full, unfettered access to monitor “anything, any time, anywhere,” Nish said.
SWP’s position toward Rio Tinto was “very, very clear,” he recalled: “‘We’ve spent a long time building our reputation, our credibility here. We aren’t going to burn it for you guys.'”
Over the course of several months — “remarkably fast,” as these things go, Nish said — the environmental group and the mining company managed to work out an agreement.
SWP would monitor the rivers, streams and groundwater for pollution from the mine and the ore-processing mill 30 kilometers (19 miles) south. It would test food and medicinal plants important for the local Native American tribe. And it would post the results of these and other tests online for the public to see.
And Rio Tinto would pay for the work. A respected local community foundation would handle the funds. Rio Tinto’s funding would be at arm’s length from SWP.
“We didn’t want to be on their payroll,” said Richard Anderson, who chaired the SWP board at the time. “That could not be part of the structure.”
Not over yet
The agreement launching the Community Environmental Monitoring Program was signed in 2012. More than a decade later, no major pollution problems have turned up.
But other local environmentalists are cautious.
“I do think [Eagle Mine is] really trying to do a good job environmentally,” said Rochelle Dale, head of the Yellow Dog Watershed Preserve, another local environmental group that has opposed the mine.
“On the other hand, a lot of the sulfide mines in the past haven’t really had a problem until after closure.
“It’s something that our grandchildren are going to inherit,” she said.
As demand for metals heats up, opposition to new mines is not cooling off. Experts say mining companies are wising up to the need for community buy-in. Eagle Mine’s Community Environmental Monitoring Program points to one option, but also its limitations.
So far, so good. But the story’s not over yet.
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